A Random history of energy economics (2) - The Horse and the Lorry

By 1900 railways were the most important element in Britain's transport infrastructure, but they only provided town-to-town communication.  The distribution of goods within a town was done with men with barrows and horses with carts.  In the rural areas "carriers" moved goods and people around with horse drawn wagons.  Horses were widely used well into the 1930s by which time motor transport was firmly established.

I came across some figures comparing the cost of coal distribution from depot to customer by 30 cwt truck and a horse and cart in 1931.  The figures seem to relate to an adequately funded and well run coal business.  Two points about the graphs, first they are for 1931 and are not comparable to costs in 2017 and that the original data is in pounds, shillings and pence which was converted decimal pounds for the benefit of Excel.  I have doctored the data a little for the sake of comparability.  In 1931, the price of domestic coal was between £1.50 and £4.50 per ton depending on the grade, local terrain and market conditions.  Anthracite was the premium product whist Bituminous coal was cheaper, also coke from gas works was widely used.

Both the horse and truck were depreciated over four years and  funded by money at 5%, the horse cost £90 and the truck £250.  The cost structures for both modes of transport is broadly similar, the exceptions are higher capital related costs of the truck, the legal requirements for a license and insurance and maintenance.  Food for the horse and fuel for the truck are similar as are the wages of the driver.

The big difference is the level of productivity, the horse shifts 38.5 tons/week, whilst the truck can do 49.5, but the unit costs are similar at around £0.20/ton.  I suspect that there was a lot of variation within the industry.  If only one man was employed to work with the truck, he would have to work harder than the bloke with the horse and cart, the references I have seen to coal sacks at this time suggest there were 1.25 cwt ( very roughly 62kg or very heavy, I struggle with 25kg bags of sand).  This might have been OK for a youngish man shooting coal into a cellar with street access, much less for an older one shifting the bag from the street to coal store in the scullery at the back of the house.


Some random reading suggests that the domestic coal market was split into three sectors.  At the top end would be customers that bought coal in large quantities, say greater than half a ton, possibly belonging to a "coal club"  which spread the cost more or less evenly over the year, trucks would give an advantage to merchants serving this group.  Those serving customers purchasing less than half a ton and paying the current market price might have a cost advantage from the potentially lower costs of the horse and cart.  At the bottom end of the market would be those purchasing small quantities of coal, possibly as little as 7 pounds would pay high prices to men with barrows.

A Random History of Energy Economics (1) - Gas Engines in the Home

Over the past year I've been acquiring a few copies of the "The Model Engineer and Amateur Electrician" at car boot sales.  I now have about 15 examples dating from 1899 to 1919.  Models make up a large part of the content, but there is also an informed debate on technology as it was evolving.  At the bottom of one page is a note that a Frenchman has observed that a platinum wire is heated with an electric current and then placed in a jar of methane continued glow.  I'm guessing that this curiosity was an early version of the catalytic converter found on most modern cars.  There are notes on telephones and wireless telegraphy and a discussion of the ideal way of storing energy to power motor vehicles, electricity is was thought to have potential and compressed air to be a bad idea.  Electric shock treatment must have been fashionable as some advertisers claimed it was better to be shocked by their apparatus than that of a rival company.  With hindsight X-Rays were not something the citizen scientist should be encouraged to mess with.  The classified ads can be intriguing, there is a suggestion that a vicar had a model gunboat to sell and why would someone expect to exchange an accordion for a lathe?

In the diversity of items advertised, three occur frequently, these are gas engines, dynamos and accumulators.

In 1905, electricity was still a luxury product costing may be 4d - 6d per kwh (roughly 50p in today's money) and many urban areas did not have a supplier and remote households had to generate their own electricity if they wanted it.  Gas, however was a mature technology, many gas companies had been established between 1820 and 1850 and most urban areas had a gas works.   In some coastal towns, the coal was supplied by brigs from Newcastle running themselves aground on the beach  and being re-floated after their cargo had been hauled away by horse and cart. The cost of gas might be something like 2s 6d and 3s per 1,000 cubic feet, depending on the nature of the gas this would be roughly 10p/kwh today.

At the turn of the century gas was increasingly being used for heating and cooking, but the principal application was lighting. Whilst gas lighting was better than candles, it could make the air in a room foul, the products of combustion being carbon dioxide, carbon monoxide and water vaoiur plus anything else the gas company could not get rid of.  Gas mantles required cleaning  and lighting, whilst electric lamps were clean and available at the flick of a switch.  Doctors wrote letters extolling the benefit to health of electric lighting.  It's not easy to make a like for like comparison with the cost of gas and electric lighting but it seems that electricity was perceived as being 5 - 10 times more expensive.

Fractional horsepower gas engine/dynamo sets provided a source of electricity where a public supply was not available and possibly a means of getting a supply at a lower cost.  At the time of writing, I'm still attempting to identify a property which had such an installation.  At a guess, a common configuration would be to have the machinery in a shed where it was used to charge accumulators which were in turn connected to the lighting circuits in the main house.  Voltages seem to have been in the range 4 - 12 volts and accumulators could be relative large, say more than 50 AH.

After 1900, the public electricity supply expanded rapidly, but in most places this was AC, whilst the use of DC in the home decreased, cars and motorbikes created a new demand and low voltage dynamos were used to charge automotive batteries.  Early radio sets also needed a DC supply.

The magazine has several references to water engines, for owners of landscapes which were suitable for the construction of small dams and there a few mentions of "hot air" engines, I take this to mean "Stirling" engines, but so far no description of the workings of these devices.

Art and Energy

The Brighton Museum is staging an exhibition of the work of John Constable which he produced whilst living in the town from 1824 to 1828.  I went because it's a form and period of painting I'm attracted to.  The space is quite low key and does not shout "great art" making it possible to appreciate the pictures for what they are, sensitive and imaginative depictions of Brighton and the surrounding countryside at the start of it's period of expansion.

What I did not expect was an insight into the energy economy of the town before the arrival of the railways.  There are several pictures of beached collier brigs.  After 1840 most Brighton and Hove's coal supply was came from the harbour at Shoreham by rail, but before that a lot of it was landed on the beach and taken to buyers in the town by horse and cart.

The collier brigs were two masted vessels of 100 - 300 tons with a length of between 70 and 90 feet and a small crew, maybe 6 - 10 men.  They mostly worked out of the Tyne taking a cargo of coal outward and returning home in ballast.  Some vessels also carried passengers between the North and London, before the railways this might have been preferable to several days in a coach travelling along rutted roads, at least in fine weather.  Navigational equipment was probably the master's experience and a compass.

At coastal towns like Brighton and Hove which did not have port facilities, the brig was run on to the beach and the cargo unloaded into horse drawn carts using local labour.  When the vessel was empty she was re-floated on the rising tide.  The price realised for the cargo would have depended on the season, the weather and before 1815 the trade could be disrupted by French privateers, this threat may have been used to hike the price.

Coal landed on the beach within the parish boundaries was subject to coal tax.  This explains the location of the Brighton Gas works (1819) just beyond the eastern parish boundary at Black Rock and the Hove Gas works (1825) which is at the extreme west of the town.  These works were located to avoid the coal tax.  Coal tax was abolished around 1870 and was not a factor in the location of electricity generating plant.  From 1820 to 1880 gas was used for street lighting and in  the posher town houses.  After the establishment of electric light companies in Brighton and Hove, gas lighting was displaced, initially by arc lamps, then by incandescent bulbs.

At the turn of the century the demand for coal in Brighton and Hove had greatly expanded.  In 1928 there were four railway goods yards, each of which acted as a base for coal merchants, some of these operated nationally, others were local family businesses.  Going west to east, the goods yards were located at Sackville/New Town Road (Hove), Holland Road (Hove), Cheapside (Brighton) and Kemp Town (Brighton).  With the exception of Cheapside which is close to the main Brighton station, these yards are now industrial estates doing amongst other things, serving the local building trade.

By the 1880s, the railway's coal distribution network was evolving at the same time as the market for coal for electricity generation emerging.  Brighton's first power stations were close to North Road and supplied from the Cheapside yard.  Hove's was at Holland road where it may have had it's own siding for coal deliveries.  At the end of the 19th century, the demand for electricity was growing and city centre locations for industrial plant was neither desirable or practical.    Brighton built a new power station at Shoreham harbour, close to the gas works which had already located, both the gas and electricity works were now supplied directly from the sea by steam engined colliers.

Industry attracts fewer artists and poets than traditional landscapes, seascapes and portraits, but there is one reference in John Masefield's "Cargoes" which is relevant.  I suspect generations of English teachers have hoped to inspire a love of words and rhythm with this, the last verse is:

    Dirty British coaster with a salt-caked smoke stack,
    Butting through the Channel in the mad March days,
    With a cargo of Tyne coal,
    Road-rails, pig-lead,
    Firewood, iron-ware, and cheap tin trays.

I've always been troubled by the "salt caked smoke stack", maybe I'm too literal, but the verse does invoke the rhythm of a reciprocating steam engine.

Footnote

I wrote this quickly from memory without checking the facts, please feel free to offer corrections.

Wind power close to the city centre

When I first worked on this image of historic windmill sites around Brighton I was more interested in the terrain:.

Most mills are located on ridges or close to the coast to take advantage of the smooth air flow coming off the sea to the southwest.  Equally interesting is that they within the urban parts of Brighton and Hove whose population grew rapidly in the 19th century.  In paintings, wind and water mills are usually depicted in rural settings and most surviving structures are in rural areas where nobody wants a block of flats.  Yet in many big towns, flour milling was an urban industry.  The Moulin Rouge in Paris maybe better known for its performance of selections from the works of Offenbach, but the theatre was built on the site of one of the many windmills providing the Parisians with flour.  19th century milling techniques produced flour with a short shelf life, flour produced in modern plant will keep for several months, thus it made sense to have mills close to the bakeries.

Well into the 20th century, corn was cut in the fields during August and September and then gathered up into sheaves to dry and later stacked in such a way to protect it from the weather.  There it remained until labour was available for threshing to separate the grain from the stalks.  Originally, threshing was done manually and provided employment farm labourers when there was no other work available.  As with many other agricultural tasks, machines were invented to do the work.  During the Second World War, one of the tasks of women in the Land Army was to operate threshing machines which were moved and powered by tractors.

The peak of windmill building took place in the first half of the 19th Century, the graph below was estimated from an article in Wikipedia:

Most mills were built when demand for food in the expanding cities was growing and farming was a prosperous industry.  In the second half of the 19th Century, two trends emerged which were to bring about the demise of wind powered flower milling, both of which are related to the rise of steam power.  Steam ships enabled bulk cargoes to be moved across the oceans cheaply, this allowed the large wheat producing regions of North America to access the British market which in turn led to a fall in prices and a recession in British farming. The ports where the imported grain was landed also had access to coal from the mining areas of North East England and South Wales.  Thus flour milling became one of the industries based on sea ports alongside electricity generation and gas works.

This post is related to my interest in the economics of sustainable energy.  Whilst wind is the only thing that a modern electricity generating wind turbine has in common with a flour producing wind mill, I thought it would be interesting to attempt to understand the economics of windmills.  First, it seems that whilst milling might be seasonal, it was not directly related to agricultural production.   Flour could not be stored for long but grain could, so the mills needed to operate throughout the year.  Secondly, windmills declined because of the lower cost of alternatives, of which the availability of cheap transport was a significant element.  Also, as town expanded, the sites occupied by windmills had greater value as sites for housing.

The early days of Electricity in Hove (4)

The reason for messing with this stuff is to try and get an understanding of the technologies and decisions which have formed our energy economy.  Technology is the driving force, but its implementation in the UK is influenced by legislation.  This itself is significant, suggesting a desire for an ordered society.  Legislation and parliamentary debates  can be both inspiring and depressing.   For example, gas was originally sold by volume, this is intuitive and was not unreasonable in the early days of the industry.  However, it gave no indication of the amount of energy with which the consumer was paying for.  Parliament legislated that gas should be priced according to its calorific value.  During the debate, someone suggested th this would confuse consumers, in reply, it was pointed out that with pricing by volume it was perfectly legal for gas companies to supply air.

The Act which applies to the early days of electricity in England is the Electric Lighting Act, 1882.  This show some foresight on the part of legislators as incandescent light bulbs were just emerging as a viable technology.  The incandescent bulbs required little maintenance and did not foul the atmosphere like gas and oil lamps which they would eventually displace.   Whilst high voltage AC systems were evolving and would  achie dominance within a decade, low voltage DC (often referred to as low pressure) systems were the most common technology used for public supplies at the time.  These  systems were only practical when the distance between the generator and the consumer was short.  Thus many early power stations were located in town centres close to the consumer and ideally near a railway or navigable river from which coal could be supplied.  In it's early days electricity was both a local and an urban business.

The Act covers four aspects of electricity supply, democratic approval, practical problems of providing a supply (e.g. no overhead cables and don't mess with the canals), abuse of markets and ownership.

The act places the administration of the electricity supply with the local authority, which itself could also become a supplier.  Before an electricity supply could be established, meetings had to be held and elected representatives had to approve.  If a potential supplier could not get approval from the local authority there was a provision to seek parliamentary approval.  In practice the local authority had to be involved because they were responsible for the management of the streets which had to be broken up to install cables.  Local authorities had considerable freedom in the way they organised the supply.  They could, subject to controls, allow a private company to provide a supply, but they were also allowed to borrow money and build power stations and create supply networks themselves.  In Brighton, they first electricity company was a commercial enterprise, then the council set up in competition.  In neighbouring Hove, the council opted to pass the undertaking to a private company.  Where a private company had established a supply, local authorities had an option to buy it back for a fair price after 21 years.  This must have been a disincentive for private investors as the Act of 1888 increased this to 42 years.  Random reading of parliamentary debates suggests that there has been a distrust of commercial energy companies for at least a couple of centuries.  Based on very limited research, it seems that municipal gas and electric companies were the preferred option and this is reflected in the 1882 Act.  However, in giving local authorities the power to borrow, it recognised the need for private finance.

Fear of market abuse is reflected in the clauses which prevent the supplier specifying special lamps, the right of anyone living in specified area to a supply and no special deals.  It also gives some protection to the supplier by defining by-passing the meter as theft of electricity and making it an offence to damage equipment.  Meters and similar equipment belonged to the electricity supplier, not the consumer and could not be taken away by bailiffs.

At the same time it protects the Post Office's telegraph monopoly, power networks could not be used to transmit information.  It was realised that electric lighting would eventually displace lamps.  In places where it would become uneconomic for a gas company to maintain a statutory supply, there was provision for the electric company to pay compensation.

The Act is a practical document and it built on the experience of administering the gas industry by incorporating the legislation drawn up in 1847 for gas works.  Even in 1882, there was a lot happening under the streets, there might be pipes for sewerage, water, gas and telegraphs and by adding some more, it was necessary to provide the freedom to move things where necessary, at the expense of the of electricity company and to provide compensation for disturbance.  It was realised that overhead power lines in urban areas were a potential danger, so it was specified that local distribution must use underground cables.

The 1882 Act contributed to an energy economy which is different from that of today.  In 1882 electricity was a luxury product (1 kwh cost approx. £1 in today's money)  with a few well-off consumers which were supplied from generating sets which were small and inefficient, with a name plate rating of a few hundred horsepower, machinery which would not be out of place in the workshop area of a big town.  As demand grew, the size of plant increased and it moved from the town centre towards the coal mines and ports.  By 1948, the industry would be nationalised, this was part of a wider trend.  Many institutions established in second half of the 19th century, such as schools, hospitals, electricity works etc. were administered by some form of local body, a hundred years later, central or remote control was becoming the norm (e.g. the Central Electricity Generating Board).  There merits of central or local control vary according to situation.  Most councils would have had something like an "electric light committee", some more able than others.  This would have provided a larger pool of knowledge and experience than maybe exists today. 

A link to the document is provided at the bottom of the page.  Some parts are clear to the lay reader, others less so  thus my comments should be treated with caution.

Link to legislation:

• Electrict Lighting Act 1882

Thinking about an electric car

Electric vehicles have been around for more than a century, battery trams were tried out in Brighton and other towns around 1890, although in Brighton's case the job was eventually given to a horse. Recently, increasingly larger bits started falling from our aging hatchback and it started sinking into the tarmac outside the house.  It had served us well, it had recovered at least one child from university, carried the detritus of many amateur operatic productions and done my wife's daily commute.  My wife is the main driver, so I opted out of the decision process.  But I did secretly look at electric vehicles.  The attraction of electric vehicles is their low tail pipe emissions, low energy costs and the potential to be integrated into sustainable energy systems.

Left to me, we would have had a Renault Twizy, but I don't spend my weekends trundling hefty opera singers around the country.  My wife chose a small red box which weighs 950 kg and emits 103 gm of CO2 per km.  Electric cars have zero tail pipe emissions, but they rely on smoke stacks, nuclear reactors and wind farms which combine to produce very roughly 0.45 kg/ of CO2 per kwh.  Equally roughly, an electric vehicle might average 0.2 kwh/km which works out at 90 gm of CO2 per km.  It's an improvement, but not a big one.

However, the energy costs are much lower.  The fuel consumption of the red box is quoted as 4.7 l/100 km which at current petrol prices means £5.30/100 km.  For an electric vehicle doing 0.2 kwh/km 100 km and charged off-peak, the cost would be roughly £1.40.

We bought second hand, my perception of new vehicle costs is £10k for a petrol vehicle and £20k for an electric one.  I'm hazy on the costs associated with batteries, but I'm guessing they are the equivalent of petrol vehicle servicing, but I need to know more.  However, you do the sums, it would take a few years to recover the higher front end costs of an electric vehicle from the lower running costs.

So despite my interest in sustainable energy, we ended up with an update on what had before.  This is a personal example, but for sustainable energy systems to win over hearts and minds they must offer similar benefits for similar costs to conventional systems.

Reference:

Brighton Tramways, Robert J. Harley, Middleton Press

The price of house coal

The starting point for this post was some old family accounts which extended, with gaps from the 1920s to the 1940s.  This was augmented by some figures found in the online version of Hansard.  Some local history material provided a human dimension to the numbers.

The graphs should be treated with caution as they are random in both time and location.  House coal can be priced in several ways, my family always discussed it in terms of cost per hundredweight (112 pounds or very roughly 50 kg).  In 1835 it became compulsory to sell coal by weight rather than volume, before that there are references to "chaldrons", this was a volumetric measure which might account for 0.5 - to 1.5 tons.

The economics of coal consumption are complex, at £10/cwt, the energy cost is around 2p/kwh which is lower than for gas or electricity.  However, the "benefit" derived from a kg of coal depends on the efficiency of the device in which it is burnt.  When used in a cooking range, a lot of energy is used just warming up a large lump of iron before the thing is warm enough to boil a kettle for tea.  Early ranges were not insulated, which made them inefficient cooking devices, but a desirable source of warmth in the kitchen, modern solid fuel range cookers are well insulated which minimizes heat loss.  In England, houses were heated with open fires which have a very low efficiency (10 - 20%?) with most of the heat going up the chimney.  From limited research, it seems that the French prefer stoves which use coal more efficiently.

During the 20th century, the overall trend in the "real" price of coal was upwards.  At the end of the 1960s coal began to compete with "North Sea Gas" in the domestic fuel market.  Gas was both cheaper and more convenient than coal and coal's share of the market started to decline.  By the end of the century, coal had become a "niche" product and costs rose as the economies of scale that had been possible faded away.

The retail price of coal has always been subject to wide variations and fluctuations.  In 1795 it was feared that France would invade England and for a time the price of coal was around 55 shillings per chaldron, this would be more than £50/cwt in today's money.  Households purchase coal for the heat it produces when burnt, premium grade Welsh Steam Coal might have a calorific value of more than 30 MJ/kg whilst that of lower grade fuel might be half that. Some of the variation in the price shown on the graphs is due to variation in the grade of coal.

Apart from events in the wider economy, the price of coal was determined by who you were and where you were.  A well-off, well managed household would buy several tons for delivery in large loads during the summer when they would benefit from lower prices.  At the other end of the scale, those on low incomes might have had to buy coal by the stone (14 lb) or lesser quantity and paid a high unit price (there is an analogy here with today's pre-payment meters).   Some coal merchants operated "coal clubs" which allowed fuel costs  to be evenly spread over the year.

Transport was a significant part of the cost of distributing coal from the mines to the consumer, by the late 19th century coal merchants were often clustered around railway goods yards.  The coal merchant was responsible for unloading the trucks, if this was not done within an agreed period, say, three days, the buyer was charged demurrage until the wagon was empty.  In the early part of the century it was not unknown for captains of collier brigs from the Tyne to run their vessels on to the beaches of seaside towns if they thought they could get a better price for their cargo than they would get at a port a few miles down the coast.  If the cargo was discharged at a port, then the buyer would have the cost of transport to the point of use.  There was always a risk that they could be stranded for several days until favourable weather and tide allowed them to re-float.

A wide variety of enterprises were active in the local coal markets, some companies operated across regions, some were local businesses, maybe just a father and son working together with a horse and cart and below them were the barrow boys.  Our family favoured the Co-Op, probably to get the "divi".

A coalman's job was hard and dirty, often it was delivered to the consumer in sacks containing one and a quarter hundredweight (roughly 60 kg).  Large houses would have purpose built coal stores and some town houses had coal cellars which extended under the pavement which could be filled through a hole normally covered by an iron cover.  The difficult ones were small terraces where the coal had to be carried through the house to the scullery, a task which had to completed without upsetting the housewife.